Jair Bolsonaro's bystander role is one of the many oddities of his administration
of Brazil’s two houses of congress live side by side in modern mansions in Brasília, the capital. In May they built a door in the wall that divides their gardens, so they could meet without attracting notice. The political mood was fevered. A scandal involving the oldest son of President Jair Bolsonaro was dominating the news.
Mr Bolsonaro’s plans for fighting crime and corruption are in tatters. Unemployment is high and economic growth remains sluggish. The president’s approval rating is an unimpressive 35%. His socially conservative agenda, which includes loosening gun laws and curbing “socialism” in schools, has made little progress, even though he seems to care most about it. In other areas he has reversed himself: for example, he has dropped his earlier hostility towards China.
Optimists think that strife and chaos in Brasília will not hinder reforms, and might even help. A member of the government’s economic team contends that Mr Bolsonaro’s preoccupation with fighting culture wars serves as a “smokescreen” that allows Mr Guedes and Mr Maia to take the lead on economic legislation. In congress there is “an unprecedented consensus that we must make progress on the economic agenda, independent of the government”, says the lower-house leader, Mr Maia.
But now all three branches of government are working against the anti-corruption agenda. Mr Bolsonaro has lost enthusiasm, perhaps because his son Flávio, a Rio de Janeiro senator, is a target of a money-laundering probe. Mr Moro has been hurt by revelations that as a judge he collaborated improperly with prosecutors. His omnibus bill to fight crime and corruption is stuck in a lower-house committee. “Moro’s agenda is dead,” says Eduardo Cury, a legislator from São Paulo.
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