“The Russian state and its propaganda machine form a feedback loop,” mashagessen writes. “Putin watches his own television and quotes it back to itself, the television amplifies the message, and so on.”
The Yale historian Timothy Snyder has coined the term “schizo-fascism” to describe actual fascists who call their enemies “fascists.” Snyder has said that the tactic follows Hitler’s recommendation to tell a lie so big and outrageous that the psychic cost of resisting it is too high for most people—in the case of Ukraine, an autocrat wages a genocidal war against a democratic nation with a Jewish President, and calls the victims Nazis.
In fall, 2013, she said, she was writing copy for a story on protests that had broken out in Ukraine—in a few months, these would grow into a revolution. “I typed the word ‘protesters,’ and Revenko called me to say, ‘Where do you get off calling them protesters?’ ” He directed Kurbangaleeva to call them Nazi collaborators instead. After Russia occupied Crimea, anchors and reporters were directed to call the act “reunification,” never an “annexation.
That same year, Agalakova was reporting on the unveiling of a monument to Soviet citizens who took part in the Belgian resistance during the Second World War. She interviewed a Belgian woman who remembered the fighters, saying that a couple of them wrote her postcards as they made their way back to the U.S.S.R. But communication had ceased once they arrived in Leningrad.
Other current and former employees described state television as an army, one with a few generals and many foot soldiers who never question their orders. “It runs on military discipline,” Nikolay Svanidze, a historian and journalist who spent years hosting a weekly news-analysis show on Russia One, said. Everyone knows that they are part of the force. Solovyov’s laptop visibly has a large letter “Z”—a symbol of Russia’s war in Ukraine—taped to the back.
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