In 2014, Hillary Clinton's campaign team began to worry that Elizabeth Warren might consider running for president. So when Warren sent the Clinton team a list of people she wanted the campaign to consult on economic policy, they listened.
In December 2014, Clinton’s team began worrying that Warren was reconsidering a presidential run and arranged a meeting between the two principals at Clinton’s home in Washington.Warren came in “aggressive” and “firing on all cylinders” that caught Clinton off-guard, said a Clinton official familiar with the meeting. She pressed Clinton to commit to not appointing Wall Street-friendly people to her administration, as Warren felt Bill Clinton and Barack Obama had done.
That list, the contents of which have not been previously reported, was just the beginning of an intensive two-year campaign by Warren, her staff, and outside allies to push, prod, and shape the would-be Clinton administration -- an effort that also included an informal blacklist of Clinton allies that Warren and outside partners would resist if nominated for jobs in the Clinton administration, which included BlackRock chairman Larry Fink and Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg.
“I think if the outreach hadn’t been done then she might have felt obligated to run,” a Clinton official explained of their approach. As the Clinton transition team fielded ideas from senators in the final months of the campaign, Warren was treated as a “first among equals,” according to a Clinton transition official. Warren’s chief of staff Dan Geldon and Clinton senior staffer Jake Sullivan were in close contact and met repeatedly in the final months of the campaign.
Or as one transition official half-jokingly described the “don’t” personnel: “Anyone who’s ever talked to Larry Summers.” Before becoming Facebook COO, Sandberg had been Summers’ chief of staff when he was treasury secretary during the Clinton administration. He had been her thesis adviser at Harvard as well.
“We were worried,” a Clinton campaign official said. “In retrospect, she could have been a pretty potent candidate in the primary.” Her decision also led Sen. Bernie Sanders to make a run of his own from Clinton’s left which would become more formidable than Warren, Clinton, or even Sanders himself expected.
The same week Schwerin met Geldon, Warren coupled the private push with a public speech at the AFL-CIO that urged Democrats not to take victory laps because the GDP and unemployment numbers looked good. “Despite these cheery numbers, America's middle class is in deep trouble,” she declared. “All of the new money earned in this economy over the past generation—all that growth in the GDP—went to the top.
To the surprise of some in Warren’s orbit, Clinton’s team began proactively engaging with the people on Warren’s list -- and not just in a check-the-box fashion, according to some who were contacted. Gensler, who had worked for Clinton in 2008 and had been a Warren ally during the financial crisis, was tapped to be Clinton’s chief financial officer for the 2016 campaign and would become a central point person to manage the Warren-Clinton relationship -- dubbed by Sullivan as the “Elizabeth whisperer.”
Ideologically, she was much closer to the Vermont senator. But there was skepticism within Warren’s orbit that he could actually pull it off and that endorsing him would diminish her ability to influence Clinton. One former Clinton adviser characterized Warren’s moves as part of a larger strategy to avoid alienating the left while also maintaining her relationships with the Clinton team that she thought was likely to win: “She stayed neutral, but she made sure she had influence with the nominee so she and her advisers had a seat at the table in a real way.”It was Tuesday, November 8, 2016.
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