The demographics are very different today from what they were when Candi CdeBaca was elected in 2019.
, Watson had significant support from outside the Mile High City, with approximately $600,000 donated to his campaign from external super PACs and special interests. When the results were announced, CdeBaca’s defeat was hailed as a stern rebuke of her left-leaning, progressive politics. “Colorado councilwoman who advocated for reparations blown out in reelection contest,” wrote the. Axios claimed Denver voters had “rejected a leftward shift of the city council.
As the now-adopted district map, dubbed “Map D,” was put to the vote, CdeBaca was the only councilperson to vote against it, citing the drastic changes to her home district as the reason for her opposition. And, as an examination of past and present iterations of District 9 shows, CdeBaca’s concerns were not without merit.The map above shows how District 9 was altered by the 2022 redistricting process.
While the gross change in the number of District 9 residents was not drastic , the demographic alterations were quite significant. According to 2020 census data, the neighborhoods removed from District 9 consist of about 16,500 voters who are younger, less affluent and more likely to rent than they are to own a home. The Central Business District consists of 3,648 residents with an annual income of $57,000.
While a mass of young, renting, less-affluent voters was removed from District 9, the group that replaced it was the opposite demographically. The North and South Park Hill residents that were added to District 9 are older, wealthier and more likely to own a home than they are to rent. The plurality of Park Hill residents are in their fifties and sixties and have much higher annual incomes than their downtown counterparts.
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